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Meet the Students Fueling Hong Kong’s Protests: ‘We May Die’
Libya is a geographically vast country with several regions that are difficult to access. In order to understand the full scope of humanitarian assistance that is needed throughout the country, IOM established the Displacement Tracking Matrix DTM programme in in order to provide a common operating picture concerning the movement of populations in Libya, allowing humanitarian actors to provide timely assistance to those in need. Following the escalation of conflict and insecurity in , the security situation has remained volatile since with fluctuations in the intensity of localized clashes. Congruently, conflict has caused new displacements, often in areas ill-equipped to accommodate large population movements while also negatively impacting the large migrant population residing and transiting through Libya. More recently, the capital Tripoli was heavily affected by displacement waves in September and April
Posted March 31, For several weeks there has been a civil war in Libya. Starting as demonstrations with ready resort to violence on both sides and a series of brutal suppressions by the Libyan Government, we are now seeing a conflict sucking in foreign powers with little guess at how it will end beyond the removal of the Gaddafi government. Only if there is a quick and secure settlement to the battle for Libya with a large scale and effective humanitarian intervention will Australia come out definitively as on the right moral side in the conflict. The moral benefit for Canberra will be diluted should Libya descend into a drawn out, vengeful bloodbath we saw in Iraq. To reduce this risk and rather than just serving to protect civilians and armed rebels from Gadhafi Government attacks, the nearly fully-Western military intervention also seeks to remove the Gaddafi family and its confederates from leadership. Unless fleeing to asylum, possibly in Europe or Asia where Brunei and Sri Lanka have had reasonably close links with Tripoli, we will see the Libyan leadership and a wide range of its senior beneficiaries killed. Of this, according to tradition, revenge, and the simple undisciplined exercise of new power, there can be little doubt. Transition risks more death. Libyan officials below the leadership and many of the wealthy will bear it.
The United Nations-backed, internationally recognized Government of National Accord GNA struggled in to assert itself in the capital Tripoli, as two authorities—one also based in Tripoli and another in eastern Libya—continued to compete for legitimacy and control over resources and infrastructure. Forces aligned with all governments and dozens of militias continued to clash, exacerbating a humanitarian crisis with close to half-a-million internally displaced people. The civilian population struggled to gain access to basic services such as healthcare, fuel, and electricity. Militias and armed forces affiliated with the two governments engaged in arbitrary detentions, torture, unlawful killings, indiscriminate attacks, abductions, and forcible disappearances. Criminal gangs and militias abducted politicians, journalists, and civilians—including children—for political and monetary gain. The domestic criminal justice system remained dysfunctional, offering no prospects for accountability, while the International Criminal Court ICC , despite having jurisdiction over Libya provided by the UN Security Council, failed to open any new investigation into ongoing crimes. The Islamic State also known as ISIS lost control over large parts of its self-proclaimed capital in Sirte, where it had been based since June , and remained embroiled in fighting with Libyan and foreign forces.